The choice is before us

In its May 28 newsletter, the Nebraska Bankers Association points its members to this essay in the Washington Post. The column, by Arthur C. Brooks, is called “America’s new culture war: Free enterprise versus government control.” It is a somewhat unconventional inclusion for a bank trade association newsletter, but I post the link here for your Memorial Day weekend reading.

The question posed by Brooks relates to the question I posed in yesterday’s post, “What’s the goal?” Do we want an economy characterized by decentralized, independent credit allocation decisions? Or do we want an economy characterized by centralized decision-making, controlled by politically-influenced policy? We really are at the cusp of this choice. Free enterprise thrives under the first option; the second option offers perceived security, although at the price of innovation. Brooks essay is good fodder for considering our options.

What’s the goal?

We sent this post from Bank Lawyer’s Blog around yesterday with our weekly email. At every opportunity, we who care about the banking industry should ask the regulators, “What is your goal?”

I think it is amazing that in all the debate that went on in Congress about financial reform we never got a clear answer about what the goal of regulation should be. Maybe the goal by some people in power is a smaller industry. If so, why? We need to have this discussion, and it needs to happen in an open forum.

I think most regulators would tell you they want a safe and sound industry. But what does that mean? Does that mean no bank failures? I would argue that it does not mean that. No failures could mean the industry is not innovative enough. Remember, the most effective way to never fail is to never try. A certain amount of failure is symptomatic of a healthy industry.

It is easy to understand where some might assume the regulators want a smaller industry. Raising capital requirements is a way to weed out weaker institutions that are unable to raise new capital. But why would we want a smaller industry? From a macro level, we want a diverse system for credit allocation. We do not want a highly concentrated system, as exists in Europe and Canada. The more decentralized the system, the more opportunity there is for start-ups, entrepreneurs and non-traditional borrowers. More centralization just means less opportunity. Sure, it might be easier to supervise an industry with only 6,000 players, but it might not be better for people who need to borrow money.

I hope this is the kind of discussion that is going on at the highest levels of government. What kind of credit allocation system is best for the country? How can government, through Congress and the regulatory structure, encourage that kind of system? Is “number of institutions” an effective way to measure the industry’s size? What about non-regulated companies that allocate credit? How do they figure into the issue?

We need to define our goal. If we are not clear on our goal, then it really doesn’t matter what’s in the financial reform legislation, because if you don’t know where you are going, any road will take you there.

S.D. bankers promote guardianship fundraiser

Banks across South Dakota are helping the South Dakota Guardianship Program, a private non-profit organization that provides guardian/conservatorship services to people with disabilities. As guardians, SDGP provides critical decision-making in matters involving health, housing, legal issues and money.

 

The banks help the program by promoting the SDGP’s fundraiser, called “Golf for Guardianship.” SDGP raises funds by selling a benefit card for $30 which entitles the bearer to one free 9-hole round of golf or 50 percent off the cost of one 18-hole round. More than 90 golf courses across South Dakota participate. Cards are sold individually, or in packs of four for $100. The program, which raised about $10,000 last year, hopes to raise $20,000 this year.

 

Banks help out by distributing promotional information along with the monthly statements they typically send to customers. A bank simply requests the check-size statement stuffers from SDGP; once they are delivered to the bank, the bank inserts one along with the next statement to go out in the mail. It is an effective way to reach thousands of South Dakotans.

 

The Independent Community Bank of South Dakota coordinates the bank portion of the program. ICBSD, which has been involved with the program since 1997, called it a popular program with its membership. In addition to promoting the cards, many bankers buy cards themselves to use or give away. The state’s insurance agents are also big supporters of the program.

Minnesota sees 6th bank failure this year

Pinehurst Bank, the $61 million bank with its only office in the Highland Village neighborhood of St. Paul, was closed Friday by Kevin Murphy’s team at the Minnesota Department of Commerce. 

Last year, Pinehurst reported a $3.3 million net loss. In the first quarter, the state’s 243rd-largest bank suffered a net loss of $1.2 million and by March 31 it was showing an equity capital ratio of negative 0.73 percent. It was the sixth Minnesota bank to fail this year.

Tom Palmer, who worked for years at Franklin National Bank in Minneapolis and then First National Bank in River Falls, Wis., has devoted his career recently to helping banks work with regulators as they near termination. He was president of St. Stephen State Bank near St. Cloud when regulators closed it on Jan. 26, and he was president at Riverview Community Bank in Otsego, which regulators closed Oct. 23. He had been president of Pinehurst since February.

Coulee Bank of La Crosse, Wis., gains a foothold in the Twin Cities market as a result of the Pinehurst failure. The bank, headed by Dirk Gasterland, paid a 1.33 percent premium to the FDIC to pick up Pinhurst’s $58.3 million in deposits and nearly all of its $61.2 million in assets.  The FDIC press release makes no mention of any kind of loss-share agreement on the purchased assets.

Will there be more bank failures in Minnesota this year? No one can say for certain. Data released by the FDIC at the close of the first quarter shows that two of Minnesota’s 411 banks have equity capital ratios between 3.0 and 3.6 percent. These are the lowest in the state at this time. Access Bank of Champlin, Minn., which was closed May 7, reported a negative 0.31 percent equity capital ratio at the end of the first quarter.

Economy picking up in rural areas across Midwest

The Rural Mainstreet Index, compiled by Economist Ernie Goss at Creighton University in Omaha, reports that the economy is improving throughout the small communities in the Upper Midwest and Heartland. The index jumped 10 points in the last month from negative to positive. It’s the first time the index has been in the positive range since March 2008. Below are the state by state breakdowns for the 11 states covered by the survey. Read more by going directly to the survey here.

Colorado:Colorado’s RMI climbed to 47.6 from April’s 38.4 and March’s 44.3. The May ranchland and farmland-price index declined to 50.9 from 58.0 in April. The state’s farm- equipment sales index moved lower to 48.1 from April’s 54.2. Mike Bass, president of First National Bank of Hugo said, “Winter wheat looks fantastic in our area. We have had good spring moisture.”

Illinois: The Illinois RMI advanced above growth neutral to 53.8 from April’s 42.5 and March’s 47.9. For a fourth straight month, farmland prices advanced above growth neutral with a May reading of 54.0, down from April’s 60.7. Farm-equipment sales for May slipped to 51.2 from 56.9 in April.

Iowa: Iowa’s RMI climbed above growth neutral with a May index of 54.8, up significantly from April’s 43.0. The farmland-price index slipped to a still healthy 54.4 from April’s 61.0. The state’s farm- equipment sales index declined to 51.6 from 57.2 in April.

Kansas: The Kansas RMI, like much of the region, climbed above growth neutral 50.0 for the month. The index rose to 53.7 from April’s 43.5. The farmland-price index slumped to 53.7 from April’s 61.3 and March’s 59.4. The May agricultural equipment sales index slipped to 50.9 from April’s healthy 57.5.

Minnesota:The RMI for Minnesota bounced to the second highest reading on Rural Mainstreet with an index of 56.8, up from April’s 45.0. Minnesota’s farmland-price index slipped to 55.7 from 62.3 in April. The May agricultural equipment-sales index stood at 52.9.

Missouri: The Missouri RMI expanded to 51.9 from 46.7 in April. The May farmland-price index slumped to 52.4 from April’s 63.5. The May farm-equipment sales index dropped below growth neutral to 49.6 from April’s 59.7.

Nebraska: The May RMI for Nebraska rose to 55.7 from 44.6 in April. The farmland-price index for May slipped to 52.2 from April’s 62.1. The state’s farm-equipment sales index dipped to 52.2 from April’s 58.3

North Dakota: For the 12th straight month, North Dakota’s RMI was the highest in the region. The index advanced to 57.5 from April’s 47.3 and March’s much stronger 57.3. North Dakota’s farmland-price index declined to 56.2 from 63.9 in April. Farm-equipment sales were a solid 53.4, but down from April’s 60.1.

South Dakota: The RMI for South Dakota climbed above growth neutral with a May reading of 54.0 which was up significantly from April’s 43.7 and March’s 49.2. The state’s farmland-price index slumped to 53.8 from April’s 61.5. South Dakota’s farm-equipment sales index was 51.0 for May compared to 57.7 for April.

Wyoming:The Wyoming RMI for May expanded to 50.0 from April’s 39.5 and March’s 46.0. The May ranchland and farmland price index sank to 51.1 from 58.7 in April. Contrary to other states, agriculture and ranch equipment sales declined for the month with a May reading of 48.3, down from April’s 54.9. Bob Sutter, vice chairman of Hilltop National Bank in Casper said, “The Goldman Sachs problems, the market flash crash, and the BP oil spill may put a drag on our fragile optimism next month!”

It’s on to the conference committe for financial reform

The Senate passed financial reform legislation last night by a vote of 59-39. The bill is expected to go to a conference committee headed by Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.) which will reconcile it with the House version of a similar bill passed in December. Congressional leaders hope to have a bill to the president for signing by Independence Day.

Some of the notable provisions in the bill that would directly affect bankers include the creation of the consumer financial protection bureau, a rule that has the Fed setting rates for interchange fees on debit cards, and a rule that prevents banks from counting trust preferred securities as Tier 1 capital.

The House bill takes a slightly different approach on many issues. For example, the House bill includes creation of a $150 billion fund that the largest banks would have to pay into. The money would be used to resolve the failure of very large financial institutions. The Senate bill originally included the creation of a $50 billion fund, but the provision was ultimately dropped.

Also, the House created an independent, stand-alone consumer financial protection agency, which is slightly different from the Senate’s idea of putting the new agency inside the Federal Reserve.

The next step for Congress is to name members of the conference committee. Amendment can be considered in conference so advocates representing various interested parties will still be working this legislation, seeking last-minute changes. Bankers would really like to see the restrictions on interchange fees dropped, as well as the proposed restrictions regarding the categorization of trust preferred securities.

The ABA has a largely negative view of the Senate legislation. Here is the statement issued by ABA’s president/CEO Ed Yingling.

The American Bankers Association has supported broad financial regulatory reform since the beginning of this debate.  However, ABA and traditional bankers across the country oppose the legislation approved by the Senate because it now contains very negative provisions that will ultimately hurt American consumers, small businesses and the broader economy.

This bill contains some of the key reform principles that we support, but it also has been loaded down with provisions that will greatly undermine traditional banks’ ability to provide credit and help create jobs in their communities.

Many of these negative provisions have nothing to do with the financial crisis.  Despite all the talk about this being a Wall Street bill, it, in fact, does tremendous harm to traditional banks on Main Street that had nothing to do with the crisis and that will now be less able to support the economy.  This bill promised much-needed reform but has gone terribly wrong.

In testimony before Congress, in correspondence with policymakers, and in our outreach to the press, ABA has consistently expressed our support for the key principles of reform.  These include creation of a systemic risk council, creation of a strong mechanism for handling the failure of large institutions, ending the concept of too-big-to-fail, closing gaps in regulation and enhancing consumer protection.

We have also continuously stressed that reform must be done right because if it is not, it will only set the stage for future bailouts, undermine thousands of traditional banks that had nothing to do with causing the financial crisis, hurt banks’ ability to lend, and drive more financial business into poorly regulated firms and overseas.

The ICBA was a little more upbeat, issuing this statement under the name of its chairman, Jim MacPhee, CEO of Kalamazoo County State Bank in Schoolcraft, Mich.:

The recent financial and economic crisis clearly demonstrates that some reform of Wall Street is needed to safeguard our financial system and the nation’s taxpayers from a future catastrophe. ICBA appreciates that this legislation includes measures that hold accountable the too-big-to-fail megafirms and nonbanks that were the root cause of this crisis—measures for which ICBA has been a leading proponent.  ICBA thanks Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.) for his leadership on this legislation and for considering the needs of our nation’s more than 8,000 Main Street community banks. ICBA appreciates the Senate’s recognition of the differences between Main Street and Wall Street by ensuring megabanks pay their fair share for the risk they pose to the FDIC’s Deposit Insurance Fund (DIF), and ultimately our entire financial system.  This is a major victory for ICBA and community banks.  This measure will alleviate the disproportional burden on community banks, will reduce the assessments of 98 percent of banks with less than $10 billion in assets and will keep nearly $4.5 billion in community banks and their communities over the next three years—something that is critical to aiding America’s economic recovery. ICBA thanks Sens. Jon Tester (D-Mont.) and Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Texas) for their efforts to create much-needed parity between large and small banks.

ICBA still has grave concerns about a separate Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB).  While we appreciate that community banks will have some exemptions from the proposed CFPB, the changes do not go far enough.  We are disappointed that further changes were not included in the legislation.  Community banks have always viewed consumer protection as a cornerstone to their business model, so it makes sense that the CFPB focus on those too-big-to-fail and shadow institutions that were at the heart of the financial crisis.  ICBA will continue to work for additional revisions to the CFPB.

ICBA is pleased that the bill maintains the Federal Reserve’s examination authority over state member banks, which allows the regional Federal Reserve Banks to keep their finger on the pulse of the Main Street communities that community banks serve each and every day.  These communities have diverse regional economies, and the insights provided by the current system are crucial to the ability of the Federal Reserve to exercise its monetary functions and gauge the impact of banking regulations across various institutions.  ICBA thanks Sens. Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Texas) and Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) for their efforts to maintain the Fed’s examination authority.

While ICBA is pleased with several measures in the Wall Street reform bill, we continue to have critical concerns with language that will inadvertently harm Main Street community banks.   ICBA opposes the interchange language that will harm community banks that offer credit and debit card products to their customers. The current interchange system makes it possible for small community bank issuers to serve their customers because card networks apply the same interchange rates for small issuers that they do for large issuers.  By reducing interchange fees through government regulation, consumers will face higher costs through annual fees and increasing interest rates, as well as fewer choices as community banks are forced to exit the market, thereby leaving consumers with few options and ultimately forcing them to use cards provided by the megabanks.

ICBA also has significant concerns with language that was originally intended to ensure that large banks and bank holding companies would have to meet capital standards that are as strict as those that apply to small banks and bank holding companies.  However, the language is worded broadly enough so that it excludes capital instruments such as trust preferred securities from the consolidated Tier 1 capital of bank holding companies.  This will cause serious harm to community bank holding companies and their underlying banks—the very institutions it originally aimed to avoid burdening.  ICBA will work with the House and Senate to ensure that these onerous measures are not included in the final legislation.

This has been a long and fast-moving legislative debate, and it looks like there is light at the end of the tunnel — for better or for worse. We at NorthWestern Financial Review see the legislation bringing on unprecedented levels of regulatory burden for banks in the Upper Midwest. Greater restrictions on an industry don’t typically lead to greater innovation. That’s bad news for everyone. Plus, one of the main causes of the financial crisis completely escapes scrutiny in this legislation — Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Until Congress figures out what to do with these guys, financial reform really won’t mean much in terms of strengthening our overall economy.

Serious work needs to happen at committee level

The Senate is spending a lot of time considering unrelated amendments to the financial reform legislation. Read this to for an update. This is exactly what I meant when I wrote this blog post three weeks ago. Many of these amendments are distractions from the issue at hand, which is supposed to be financial reform.

This is why all the work on any important bill needs to happen at the committee level. Once a bill hits the floor of the Senate, a circus breaks out. Clearly it will be much more difficult to pass legislation before the elections if the Senate doesn’t approve a bill by Memorial Day.

The importance of strong ownership

As an advocate for small businesses, I appreciate the importance of strong ownership. I am sure you see it when you lend money: Owners who are active in their business make the best customers because they understand the day-to-day details of their enterprise; they are usually willing to make the tough decisions because their survival depends on it. Disinterested ownership is usually bad for an enterprise. If the owners aren’t paying attention to the business, then why should the customers?

 

One of the many interesting points Andrew Redleaf and Richard Vigilante make in their new book “Panic,” is the importance of strong ownership. They argue that the growing popularity of securitization for home loans diminished the benefits of ownership in the mortgage market. Before securitization, a homebuyer put 20 percent of his own money toward a mortgage, granted by a banker who thoroughly scrutinized the borrower before making the loan. Borrowers knew the best way to protect their 20 percent stake was to make timely payments. Lenders stayed close to the borrower because they wanted him to pay off the loan as planned. And if things didn’t go as planned, lenders would work through troubled patches to get the borrower back on track because loan repayment was always preferable to foreclosure. A strong homeowner matched with a strong mortgage owner created a stable housing market.

 

Securitization weakened the ownership stake of the homeowner and the lender. Borrowers could get mortgages with as little as 2 percent down, or in some cases, nothing down. Lenders no longer held onto their mortgages so they had no incentive to maintain a relationship with the borrower. All ownership transferred to faceless Wall Street investors who had absolutely no relationship with the person living in the house. I understand the advantages securitization brings to a market, but is there a way those benefits could be obtained without sacrificing the benefits of strong ownership? I think there must be.

 

We know what a difference ownership makes when it comes to business; let’s also recognize it in mortgage markets. Strong ownership means accountability, something that securitization tends to obfuscate. Whatever mortgage rules emerge from pending legislation, let’s hope it restores some of the benefits of strong ownership.